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Manufacturing a Crisis: How the Charge of 'Antisemitism' Became a Tool to Crush Dissent

Published on June 29, 2025 at 02:08 AM
Manufacturing a Crisis: How the Charge of 'Antisemitism' Became a Tool to Crush Dissent

WASHINGTON — A series of recent events, including the House passage of the Antisemitism Awareness Act and intense scrutiny of campus protests, has ignited a fierce national debate over the definition and application of the term “antisemitism.” The controversy has pitted lawmakers and traditional Jewish organizations against an increasingly vocal coalition of civil liberties advocates, constitutional scholars, and critics of Israeli government policy, who argue the term is being politically weaponized to silence dissent.

At the heart of the storm is the accusation that the fight against Jew-hatred is being deliberately conflated with a political agenda to shield the state of Israel from criticism, creating a chilling effect on free speech and academic freedom.

A Legislative Battleground

The most visible front in this conflict is the Antisemitism Awareness Act, which passed the House with overwhelming bipartisan support. The bill mandates that the Department of Education consider the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition of antisemitism when investigating discrimination complaints on college campuses. Proponents argue this is a necessary step to provide clear guidance and protect Jewish students from rising harassment.

However, the legislation has drawn sharp condemnation from civil liberties groups. The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) issued a statement arguing the bill would “likely chill free speech of students on college campuses” by targeting criticism of Israel. The core of their argument focuses on the IHRA definition itself, which includes as examples of antisemitism certain types of criticism against the state of Israel, such as “claiming that the existence of a State of Israel is a racist endeavor.”

“The data is clear: the most serious threats of antisemitic violence come from the white supremacist right, not student protesters,” said a legal director from a prominent civil liberties organization in a public statement. “This bill does little to protect Jewish students, but it does a great deal to threaten protected political speech.”

Supporters, including several members of Congress who spoke on the House floor, dismissed these concerns, stating the bill is not about stifling debate but about preventing discriminatory harassment that uses anti-Israel rhetoric as a cover. They maintain that universities need a robust tool to identify and address modern forms of antisemitism.

Yet, critics counter by highlighting the opposition of the very man who drafted the IHRA definition’s lead text, Kenneth S. Stern. In testimony before Congress and in multiple op-eds, Stern has repeatedly warned against codifying the definition into law, stating it was designed as a data-gathering tool, not a campus speech code. He has argued that its use in a disciplinary context would “produce a chilling effect on speech, scholarship, and teaching” related to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

The Weaponization of a Term

Beyond the legislative fight, a broader narrative has taken hold: that the charge of antisemitism is being strategically deployed as a political weapon. Academics and Palestinian rights advocates contend that any substantive critique of Israeli military actions or government policies is now at risk of being labeled antisemitic, effectively shutting down legitimate political discourse. Recent media coverage, including reports in The New York Times analyzing campus slogans, has itself faced accusations of furthering this conflation.

“It’s a tactic as simple as it is effective,” said a professor of Middle East studies at a major American university, who spoke on the condition of anonymity due to fear of professional reprisal. “You don’t have to engage with the substance of the criticism—the occupation, the settlements, the civilian casualties. You just have to label the person making the criticism an antisemite. It ends the conversation.”

In response, leaders from established Jewish organizations argue that the line between criticism of Israel and antisemitism is indeed being crossed. They point to instances where protests have included language or imagery that echoes classic antisemitic tropes, such as those invoking Jewish control or bloodlust, insisting that such rhetoric cannot be defended under the banner of political speech.

However, this position is increasingly contested from within the Jewish community itself. Groups like Jewish Voice for Peace and IfNotNow, comprised of young progressive Jews, have been at the forefront of protests and have been vocal in their assertion that their criticism of Israel stems from Jewish values. They argue that the establishment’s insistence on linking Jewish identity to unconditional support for Israel not only silences dissent but also alienates a growing number of American Jews.

A Deepening Political Divide

The issue has also become a fault line in partisan politics. A number of community leaders have recently placed the blame for rising antisemitism squarely on the political left, citing the anti-Zionist rhetoric prevalent in progressive circles and on college campuses. This has been amplified by conservative commentators and politicians who use it to attack their political opponents.

Political analysts suggest this narrative serves a strategic purpose. “By framing antisemitism as a uniquely left-wing problem, it allows the right to accomplish two things,” one political strategist noted. “It deflects from the well-documented history of violent, right-wing antisemitism, and it creates a powerful wedge to fracture the Democratic party’s diverse coalition.”

While supporters of this view insist they are simply responding to the evidence they see in public discourse, government data complicates the picture. Reports from the FBI and analysis by organizations like the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) have consistently identified right-wing extremists and white supremacists as the primary perpetrators of lethal antisemitic violence in the United States.

Perceptions of Official Inadequacy

Amidst this contentious debate, government responses to violent antisemitic attacks are being characterized as weak and insufficient. Following incidents of arson at synagogues or physical assaults, official actions are often limited to non-binding resolutions condemning hate or press conferences making symbolic pronouncements. This has fostered a perception of official impotence.

Critics argue that while lawmakers focus on policing speech through measures like the Antisemitism Awareness Act, they are failing to address the tangible security threats to Jewish communities. “A resolution doesn’t stop a bullet. A new speech code doesn’t deter a bomber,” said one community security director. “There is a growing feeling that the political establishment is more concerned with scoring points in a culture war than with providing the resources needed for actual protection.”

As the controversy unfolds, the nation faces a crossroads. The central question remains whether expanding the legal definition of antisemitism will effectively protect a vulnerable minority, or if, as a growing chorus of civil liberties advocates and constitutional scholars warn, it will ultimately erode the very First Amendment principles that underpin American democracy.